KINSHIP, DATA &

DECENDANT ENGAGEMENT

BY JENNIE K. WILLIAMS, PH.D.

Considering the first line of James. W. C. Pennington’s 1849 narrative, the historian Walter Johnson has written that Pennington, a fugitive slave and abolitionist, intended to “trouble the boundary between ‘the slave trade’ and ‘the rest of slavery.’” Pennington’s point, Johnson tells us, was that regardless of where and by whom African Americans were enslaved, they were never safe from the worst slavery had to offer.

Johnson’s analysis is surely accurate. And yet, I wonder if we have overlooked the significance of Pennington’s addendum, “or relation.” It seems to me, that is, that Pennington’s point was not only about enslaved people’s perpetual vulnerability to slavery’s evils, but about the specific nature of those evils, which violated above all, enslaved people’s kinships and relational identities. According to the laws and logics of slavery, Pennington suggests, the enslaved maintained just one relation—that which exists between property and its price.

Slavery, after all, relied above all upon the cruelest of alchemies: the conversion of kin to commodity. For enslavers knew, as it takes no great genius to know, that property’s every value lies in its quality as unattached.

Thus, for the enslaved, kinship could not be something passively possessed. It was, instead, an identity and practice actively and insurgently claimed. Kinship, by its very definition, was resistance.

It was, for example, a source of powerful pride in direct refutation of slavery’s anonymizing impulse…

…a source of comfort and care...

…and an ancestral inheritance beyond enslavers’ grasps.

In their efforts to construct, practice, and claim kinship, the enslaved devised many methods and tools. There was negotiation, charm and false flattery…

…courage, flight, and fugitivity…

…and when all else failed, memory and memorialization.

In so many ways, meanwhile, enslavers sought to render African and African American kinship null and void.They separated children from their mothers and fathers…

…and husbands from wives.

Yet, in other ways, enslavers sought no much to destroy African American kinship but to warp it into something else entirely, something suited for the ends of mastery and control.

By laying claim to enslaved women’s wombs, for example, enslavers attempted nothing less than the bastardization of kinship itself. They sought, that is, to transform lines of descent into chains of production.

Enslavers also relied on kinship networks as ready-made systems for training skilled laborers….

…and exploited family ties to keep enslaved people within their “geographies of control.”

In their assault on African American kinship, enslavers relied on many weapons, including the law…

…the eyes and ears of every white person…

…and, above all, spectacular violence.

Undergirding each of these things, though, and damning each one as “legitimate,” were documents.Thousands and thousands of documents.

the same documents we now use to make “data.”

Borne of the ledger book, slavery’s data is surely bedeviled code. Yet we have just one archive; surely we must seek out its pulse.

Scrawled in the lines of inventories. Tallied in plantation journals. Numbered on “manifests of slaves.” Here we find millions of ancestors. Here are generations of loved ones. Here, in an archive of death, is life.

Data wrought from slavery’s archive, in sum, cannot and should not be transformed. It must not be made bloodless. And yet, if this is so, if slavery’s data is irrevocably hexed, surely it must be put to contrary purposes—made to respect what has been disrespected and to honor those who have been dishonored.

We resolve, therefore, to take up data above all as a method for the refutation, rebuking, and repair of slavery’s historic and continued assaults on African American kinship.